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The report is the second part of a study reviewing certain aspects of the operations of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. The first part dealt with specific allegations of irregularities in the Commission's operations. The seco...
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The report is the second part of a study reviewing certain aspects of the operations of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. The first part dealt with specific allegations of irregularities in the Commission's operations. The second part studies whether the Commission was accomplishing its mission.
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This paper discusses research evidence from the Housing Market Practices Survey on the relationship between racial discrimination and racial differences in rental housing consumption and its relevance to Federal policy. An overvie...
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This paper discusses research evidence from the Housing Market Practices Survey on the relationship between racial discrimination and racial differences in rental housing consumption and its relevance to Federal policy. An overview of the Fair Housing Act argues that its goals were either not always clear or in conflict. The paper then investigates the relationships between discrimination in rental housing markets and racial differences in housing consumption measured by physical adequacy, proximity to work, segregation, crowding, tenure, and price. Five measures of racial discrimination were developed: availability, courtesy, terms and conditions, information requested, and information volunteered. The results demonstrate that racial discrimination does significantly alter the nature and level of housing consumption by blacks relative to whites, although the changes may be of lower magnitude than many people popularly assume. Housing rental market discrimination had no perceptible effect on degree of crowding in households occupied by black renters or on prices paid for rental units. Racial segregation in housing patterns appeared to be only some 3 percent greater than in the absence of rental agents' discriminatory practices. Other estimated effects of discimination included about a 2 - percent decrease in quality of black renter - occupied units, a 2.5 - percent decrement in black homeowner - to - renter ratio, and a 4.2 - percent greater net distance from home to work for black renters. The implications of these findings for Federal legislation and policy are discussed. Tables and references are supplied.
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This paper tries to predict how the Supreme Court would have treated a case onthe first amendment issue given the state of the law on public employee free speech. Of course, whether or not the speech at issue is a matter of public...
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This paper tries to predict how the Supreme Court would have treated a case onthe first amendment issue given the state of the law on public employee free speech. Of course, whether or not the speech at issue is a matter of public concern will be the crux of the distinction between the two positions the Court has taken, but the analysis also takes into account the balancing test set forth. By breaking down the analysis into predictions of Justice Marshall's opinion, Justice Scalia's opinion, Justice Kennedy's concurrence in the judgment of the Court, and the opinion of the Court itself, a reasonable forecast as to the future direction of the Court in this area is realized. After the forecast is made, the propriety of the two hypothetical opinions as measured against the precedent of first amendment protection of the public employee is evaluated. There are four conclusions to be drawn from the hypothetical Supreme Court Treatment of the FLRA (Federal Labor Relations Authority) case. First, the place of speaker motive in the public concern analysis has become less clear. Secondly, subjectivity reigns. Third, racial discrimination, as an issue, is almost per se a matter of public concern, unless it is addressed inappropriately. Finally, speech made in the context of union representation is not per se a matter of public concern. Rather, it is subject to the Pickering-Connick analysis like any other public employee speech.
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This paper presents a historical review on affirmative actions. Starting with the Civil Rights Act of 1866 through the passage of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972, it discusses the evolution of executive and legislativ...
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This paper presents a historical review on affirmative actions. Starting with the Civil Rights Act of 1866 through the passage of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972, it discusses the evolution of executive and legislative actions leading to current affirmative actions programs. It provides an in-depth review of the Air Force's Affirmative Actions Plan development and implementation. The paper concludes with an overview of upcoming changes in the Affirmative Actions Plan.
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This report describes how The Corps of Engineers Early Resolution Program (CEERP)for Allegations of Discrimination works, and how it was evaluated. It is intended to provide a one-stop description of the program for other agencies...
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This report describes how The Corps of Engineers Early Resolution Program (CEERP)for Allegations of Discrimination works, and how it was evaluated. It is intended to provide a one-stop description of the program for other agencies, as well as inform people throughout the Corps about the CEERP story. The CEERP project has been remarkably successful in resolving problems early and at the local level. This success has generated considerable interest on the part of other agencies, both within the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, and in other federal departments and agencies.
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The Social Security Administration (SSA) is responsible for administering the Social Security Disability Insurance (DI) and the Supplement Security Income (SSI) programs--the nation's two largest disability programs. In calendar y...
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The Social Security Administration (SSA) is responsible for administering the Social Security Disability Insurance (DI) and the Supplement Security Income (SSI) programs--the nation's two largest disability programs. In calendar year 2001, SSA provided cash assistance through these two programs to 8.8 million working-age beneficiaries with qualifying disabilities, and about 3.4 million people applied for benefits. SSA is required to administer its disability programs in a fair and unbiased manner. Nevertheless, the proportion of African American applicants allowed benefits has been historically lower than the proportion of white applicants. These allowance rate differences have occurred with respect to disability determinations made by state Disability Determination Service (DDS) offices and in decisions made at the hearings level by Administrative Law Judges (ALJs). This report examines: (1) SSA's efforts to study potential racial disparities in ALJ decisions and (2) steps SSA has taken at the hearings level to address possible racial and ethnic bias in ALJ decision making.
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Two contrasting trends concerning gender and racial wage levels for Americanworkers emerged in the 1980s. The first trend is that women made tremendous gains in their wages relative to those of men. However, over the course of the...
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Two contrasting trends concerning gender and racial wage levels for Americanworkers emerged in the 1980s. The first trend is that women made tremendous gains in their wages relative to those of men. However, over the course of the 1980s, the pay disparity between blacks and whites increased for both women and men. The research sought to explain why these different trends emerged. Findings indicate that human capital attainment, meaning education and work experience, contributed to the narrowing of the gender gap. The single largest explanation for the increased earnings gap between blacks and whites is due to economic restructuring. Employment shifted away from manufacturing and union jobs toward other industries and non-union employment.
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In his February 27, 2001, Address to a Joint Session of Congress, President George W. Bush declared that racial profiling is 'wrong and we will end it in America.' He directed the Attorney General to review the use by Federal law ...
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In his February 27, 2001, Address to a Joint Session of Congress, President George W. Bush declared that racial profiling is 'wrong and we will end it in America.' He directed the Attorney General to review the use by Federal law enforcement authorities of race as a factor in conducting stops, searches and other law enforcement investigative procedures. The Attorney General, in turn, instructed the Civil Rights Division to develop guidance for Federal officials to ensure an end to racial profiling in law enforcement. 'Racial profiling' at its core concerns the invidious use of race or ethnicity as a criterion in conducting stops, searches and other law enforcement investigative procedures. It is premised on the erroneous assumption that any particular individual of one race or ethnicity is more likely to engage in misconduct than any particular individual of another race or ethnicity. Racial profiling in law enforcement is not merely wrong, but also ineffective. Race-based assumptions in law enforcement perpetuate negative racial stereotypes that are harmful to our rich and diverse democracy, and materially impair our efforts to maintain a fair and just society. The use of race as the basis for law enforcement decision-making clearly has a terrible cost, both to the individuals who suffer invidious discrimination and to the Nation, whose goal of 'liberty and justice for all' recedes with every act of such discrimination. For this reason, this guidance in many cases imposes more restrictions on the consideration of race and ethnicity in Federal law enforcement than the Constitution requires. This guidance prohibits racial profiling in law enforcement practices without hindering the important work of our Nation's public safety officials, particularly the intensified anti-terrorism efforts precipitated by the events of September 11, 2001.
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Two studies in which an emergency was presented via audio only (Study 1) and audio + video (Study 2) revealed that when white bystanders witnessed an emergency alone, black victims were helped as frequently as white victims. In th...
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Two studies in which an emergency was presented via audio only (Study 1) and audio + video (Study 2) revealed that when white bystanders witnessed an emergency alone, black victims were helped as frequently as white victims. In the face-to-face presence of other passive bystanders, however, white victims were helped more frequently than black victims. Arousal, as measured via telemetered heart-rate indicated that arousal is positively related to speed of helping when no other bystanders were present. The results suggest strongly that people are more susceptible to conformity pressures to remain inactive when an emergency involves a black than a white victim. (Author)
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